And without the Liberal Party of New York there would never have been a Mario Cuomo…not even close.
Those were the days when the Liberal Party’s ‘minor party’ status was so powerfully influential that it triggered the formation of the Conservative Party as it recognized the potential of an unknown Queens attorney who was tough, smart, with strong community-ties and had a marvelous orator’s speaking style with the personality to match.
Mario Cuomo and the Liberal Party joined up to challenge Ed Koch for the Mayoralty but he did not have the weight across the city to win that election. His performance convinced the Liberal Party that he could be a winner and they supported his bid to be Governor. Koch decided he wanted to move up then but was no match for an ascendant Mario.
The relationship between Mario Cuomo and the Liberal Party grew with that success. Part of it was the result of the personal relationship between Mario and the Liberal Party’s Vice Chairman and ‘voice;’ Raymond Harding a Bronx attorney who had made running the Liberal Party his life’s work. Harding came along as the leaders of the party aged…David Dubinsky, Alex Rose and Ben Davidson…union men with real skills and big vision.
As we write this, Mario’s son and political heir Andrew – a third term Governor desperately wanting a fourth term – has taken steps to end all third party involvement in New York State, a status third parties have had for centuries.
The action has come as the result of a recommendation from a nine member NY State Public Campaign Financing Commission brought together by Cuomo to offer new public campaign finance directions. The commission has decided beyond the scope of public financing that third parties in New York must attain 130,000 votes on their lines for a candidate running for Governor and President…every two years …in order to maintain permanent ballot status. The number that has existed for generations has been 50,000 votes for a candidate every four years in the election of a Governor.
It is believed but of course denied, that Andrew wants to destroy the influence of the Working Families Party to name candidates to run against him in the primaries as it has done unsuccessfully before. It is amusing that the WFP tries to beat him in a primary but then supports him in the general election and he accepts that support. He gets their votes; they receive enough votes – above 50,000 – to remain on the ballot. Thus the political game.
But now apparently Andrew is nervous about the progressive movement in New York State – a movement he must abhor because it is based on some beliefs – right or wrong doesn’t matter – while his entire career is based on what’s best for him. Isn’t that what Donald Trump said about politicians: they don’t care about us only themselves? It got him elected…even if it might have been the last truth he uttered.
So now what? Well the Conservative Party and WFP are bringing the matter to court stating that the New York State Constitution cannot be changed by a committee proposal.
And there is the hope that the State Legislators will return to Albany before this January 1st to change the commission’s recommendations about third parties and about the kind of money that can be spent in elections. If they do not, the commission report becomes law.
Will they? The entire Legislature is now controlled by the Democratic Party…a party which has been openly corrupt for a good deal of the 19th Century and all of the 20th Century but for a few lucid and honest years.
If one wanted to be hard-core cynical, we would predict that the Legislature won’t bother. But we’ll see.
WHAT ABOUT ANDREW?
So Andrew has thrown caution to the winds and went for blood. Does he really feel so shaky about a fourth term run that he is trying to blunt all competition from the liberal side of the aisle? He knows that there is no longer a Republican Party in New York with the leadership, votes and money to run a strong candidate against him.
So what does he fear? Perhaps it is the growing influence of the Democratic Socialists who are not a party but who are increasingly prominent on the New York City scene. Perhaps he sees that influence combined with the money of the union based WFP running a genuine candidate against him from the left. Perhaps twelve years is a lot and the idea of sixteen years might be too much.
A well-established Democratic-liberal who does intend to end corruption in New York politics might have a real chance against a man who has little to show after twelve years of political control.
He admits the schools are not progressing as he complains that New York State spends more money on schools than any other State and is far down the list of accomplishment. He has no idea how to fix it.
He has spent millions on advertising the merits of relocating business in New York State but has nothing to show for it but failure and a bribery scandal that has put people close to him in prison.
The cost of healthcare remains stunning and the fraud that exists has not been cleaned up.
He takes credit for marriage equality but simply arranged for Tom Golisano and Michael Bloomberg to buy the votes of four Republican State Senators by promising to help them in primaries if they voted for it – and they did. None of them are in the State Senate today.
Andrew does play that game very well. He is not a policy guy. He learned the game of pay to play from Mario without having his Dad’s gift for speaking. He learned the game so well, he told his Dad not to run for a fourth term because he’d developed no legacy. His Father didn’t listen. And lost.
One wonders if Andrew had a son who had been as close to him politically as he was to his Father, whether that boy would tell him not to run for a fourth term because there is no legacy.
No legacy but unchecked corruption.